Generations around the globe have known about, if not seen, the Statue of Liberty and felt inspired. The symbol of freedom, democracy, and justice kindled hope for millions who fought their colonial masters.
Millions have been drawn to it, even illegally, to make it their home, where work counts and opportunities abound, to pursue their dream of prosperity.
Having visited just once, this Indian writer fully acknowledges the support received in the fight for freedom, as well as the many things, such as knowledge, science, technology and cinema.
Yet, in the year 2026, why are hands and hearts that applaud the 250th birth anniversary of the United States of America apprehensive? Why is the world rattled by threats like “wiping out an entire civilisation” and predatory declarations against many others?
Fast-forward to the current state of India’s relations with the US and the diplomatic nuts and bolts that join, or disjoin, it.
Is it moving away from India again, as it realigns its Asia policy? As the two “strategic allies” struggle to repair a relationship that was perceived as satisfactory till Donald Trump returned to the presidency in January 2025, this ‘other’ view is causing discomfort in both national capitals.
Trump’s visit to India, delayed by a year, to attend the Quad summit, now likely next year, was announced last week by Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Many cobwebs in bilateral relations may also be discussed and hopefully resolved to mutual satisfaction. But some quarters see the announcement as an attempt at damage control and think that Quad itself is in jeopardy.
Last week also saw a terse, tell-tale report from Washington, based on a just-published book, “Regime Change: Inside the Imperial Presidency of Donald Trump”.
Written by two New York Times reporters, Maggi Haberman and Jonathan Swan, it details how the US, or rather Trump himself, decided to impose the highest tariffs on Indian goods. At White House meetings he chaired, Trump is quoted by ‘insiders’ who fed the reporters as using colourful language and swear words against India.
Trump discarded as “f…..g bullshit” the figures on Indo-US trade, from the official American records, by his Commerce Secretary, Howard Lutnick. They were “significantly lower” than what Trump believed. He was angry with Lutnick, who, when he looked for support from other officials present, found none.
“No, these are bullshit numbers.” Trump declared. Everybody fell in line with what the book calls Trump’s “feelings over facts”. Lutnick is among India’s more vocal critics in the “tariff war” that has raged since.
When US House of Representatives Speaker Mike Johnson warned that unchecked tariffs on India could ‘ruin’ the bilateral trade, Trump roared: “Ok, fine. I will own it.” The 50 per cent tariffs he imposed are the highest on any major economy and have sent Indo-US relations into a tailspin.
There is no official reaction to the book’s India-related contents. Many dismiss it. But for over a year, the agreement on tariffs has remained unsigned. Last week was also when US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer, who led a team to New Delhi, returned without results.
In the intervening period, India has been accused of many things to justify tariff rates, including buying Russian oil. The war on Iran has only worsened things. All the while, Trump has never tired of calling PM Modi his “great friend.” Unsurprisingly, Modi, while engaging with leaders of other countries, has avoided meeting him till the two met briefly at the recent G7 summit. That meeting was a non-event.
A mercurial Trump is known to use swear words in public and private, and changes his applause and accusations with different people at different times. The New York Times’ antipathy towards him is known. But that need not jeopardise the credibility of the book and its authors.
The book’s writers deserve kudos. It has echoes of the ‘Watergate’ scandal that took place way back in 1972. It was an explosive book by Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, reporters for the Washington Post. Their expose forced India-hating Richard Nixon’s departure.
The connection between the two books seems obvious. Significantly, US Vice President J D Vance praised Nixon and ridiculed the Watergate scandal. He reportedly said: “It would not have survived a 12-hour news cycle today, let alone topple a President.”
Incidentally, Vance figures in the new book. Trump was conferring with his team about persuading Western European nations to send troops for a peacekeeping role in Ukraine. Vance cautioned that the Western Europeans’ presence in Ukraine may anger Russia. Peacekeepers from India and Saudi Arabia could go instead. “Indians don’t pay,” Trump said, rejecting the proposal.
While Vance’s logic was right, his choice of India was not. The Indian soldiers have been doing peacekeeping tasks only for the United Nations, which pays peacekeepers from any country it recruits.
Why should Indians be paying to be peacekeepers in a partisan war? George Bush Jr wanted India to send soldiers to Iraq, and Trump had wanted them for Afghanistan.
Many US administrations, both Republican and Democratic, have realigned policies regarding India and South Asia. But while Democrats have, by and large, been suave, even struck a balance, the Republicans have been loud and brash, even when positive.
If Clinton and Bush jr pushed the positives with India, and Obama continued it, Trump has done the opposite, especially in his second presidency. Worse, he lulled many Indians into thinking that he was genuinely with an India led by Modi.
Looking back, it has been purely transactional—from Trump Towers in Indian cities to big-time purchases by India. And each time he has praised Modi, alert analysts have warned of an “ambush”, asking Indians to await something that hurts them. These warnings have proved largely correct.
The writing on the wall, if India cares to read it, is clear. Except for its huge market, which the US will continue to crave, India is no longer part of the ‘pivot’ to counter China. Washington is dealing directly with the South Asian capitals, where New Delhi mattered until yesterday, totally ignoring India’s economic and security concerns. Neighbours, small or big, can thumb their noses.
Indian strategic analyst Brahma Chellany calls it “The Quiet Containment of India”. The US policy toward South Asia appears to be reverting to a Cold War paradigm, with Washington re-embracing Pakistan and pursuing a broader regional strategy aimed at constraining India’s rise.”
He quotes US deputy secretary of state, Christopher Landau, who declared on Indian soil in March that Washington “will not repeat its China mistake by allowing India to emerge as America’s economic rival.”
Contrast this with the Trump administration’s more conciliatory approach toward China. Chellany says the US objective closely mirrors China’s own interest in keeping India boxed in.
Mahendra Ved is a veteran Journalist and an Expert on international affairs.
